Showing posts with label Japan. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Japan. Show all posts

13 September 2019

Another Failed Attempt to Refute the Chinese Origins Thesis

In 2002, Japanese scholar Harada Waso published an annotated translation of the Heart Sutra which included many notes on why he did not believe the Chinese Origins thesis. The article was written in Japanese and remains untranslated, but amidst the background disputes over the Heart Sutra article on Wikipedia (now edited by religious fanatics), user Pat457 (25 July 2017) gave a fairly long summary of the arguments in Harada (2002). I have no way of knowing how accurate or reliable this English resumé is but I here I will take it at face value and explain why the argument is wrong.

There are two main theories for the origins of the Heart Sutra: Indian and Chinese. It has never been disputed that the Heart Sutra reuses text from the Large Perfection of Insight Sutra. What is in dispute amongst some (mainly Japanese) scholars is in which language the copying occurred. Jan Nattier (1992) was the first to propose that the copying occurred in Chinese. I've since published a number of analytical articles showing why this has to be the case. Very few, if any, other scholars have really got to grips with the materials and methods used by Nattier so far as I can tell from their published work. So the dispute has been carried out in a superficial manner. Sadly, Nattier received almost no support from Western scholars when Buddhist establishment figures published apologetics for the traditional accounts.

The reuse of texts was prevalent in early medieval China. Chinese Buddhists created a unique genre of texts that bibliographers at the time called chāo jīng 抄經 or "digest texts". Hundreds of digest texts were in circulation by the early 6th Century. The digest text is a distinctively Chinese genre; there is nothing like it in Indian Buddhist literature. The Heart Sutra is self-evidently not a sutra (and the earliest Chinese commentaries acknowledge this). It reuses passages from the Large Sutra and perfectly fits the description a digest text. It appears to be the only one of its kind ever to be translated into Sanskrit, i.e. there are no other Sanskrit digest texts.

The fact that large parts of the Heart Sutra were copied gives us leverage on the problem of where the text was composed. Copying conserves the original whereas translation does not. When an original and a copied text are translated independently into another language changes are likely to be introduced. And where a copy in a second language is translated back into the first language (i.e. translated twice), this will inevitably result in some idiosyncrasies.

The source, in this case is the Large Sutra. We have various witnesses of this text: two recensions in Sanskrit; i.e. Gilgit 6th C and Nepalese 19th Cl along with three complete translations in Chinese T 221 (291 CE), T 223 (404 CE), and T 220-ii (663 CE) and one incomplete translation, T 222 (286 CE). Another complete text is embedded in a commentary (T 1509). The copy is the Heart Sutra which exists in many forms, including manuscripts, inscriptions, and edited versions in both Sanskrit and Chinese.

The Sanskrit Heart Sutra is packed with odd vocabulary, expressions, and idioms. Some of these are neologisms but others appear to be calques and idioms from Chinese. A "calque" is a word or phrase borrowed from another language by literal, word-for-word or root-for-root translation. For quick reference I made a list of these: The Chinese Origins of the Heart Sutra Revisited (19 January 2018). This is what we predicted for a back-translation.

Nattier identified a clear pattern with respect to the "core passage" and it only supports the Chinese origins thesis. Huifeng (2014) made a vital contribution to our understanding of the text which supports Nattier's conclusion. I've published five articles to date; no.6 is due out any day, no.7 is being reviewed, no.8 is awaiting an editor's initial response, while no.s 9 and 10 are being beta tested before submission. My work on the Heart Sutra has two main threads: 1. correcting the sloppy mistakes in Conze's Sanskrit edition (overlooked by other scholars); and 2. identifying other copied passages and showing that the pattern identified by Nattier in the core section also characterises the rest of the text. Indeed, last year I published what I consider a decisive argument, i.e. that tryadhvanvyavasthītāḥ sarvabuddhāḥ is a calque of the Chinese phrase 三世諸佛 sān shì zhū fó “all the Buddhas of the three times” (2018b).

In other words, not only is there overwhelming support for the Chinese Origins Thesis, but the Indian origins thesis has been refuted. Harada was writing in 2002 and was responding only to Nattier, though I can honestly say that none of my observations is rocket science and they ought to have been obvious to anyone. 


Problems with the Text

Harada is using a Sanskrit text of the Heart Sutra, but which text? I can't read Japanese and Pat457 doesn't say. But I can read Sanskrit and I'm familiar with the main Sanskrit versions. To start with, Harada gives the maṅgala as namaḥ sarvajñāya. This means he is not using Conze's critical edition, although the first iteration of the critical edition (Conze 1948) is cited in his bibliography (not the revised version 1967, or the popular version 1958/1975). Another clue is that Harada's text has na vidyā nāvidyā na vidyākṣayo nāvidyāksāyo which Conze, in a rare moment of clarity, realised was a late interpolation. The two terms nāvidyā and nāvidyāksāyo don't belong here in what is an abbreviated list of the 12 nidānas. Non-ignorance (na avidyā) plays no part here. It's a wild contradiction in terms since non-ignorance would be tantamount to enlightenment.

These two features suggest that Harada is using the Hōryūji manuscript (H) as his text. However, note that the sandhi in the maṅgala is wrong, it should be (and is in H) namas sarvajñāya. Another oddity is that H has no punctuation, but Harada's text has punctuation that is similar to Conze's and to Max Müller's (1881) diplomatic edition of H. It's possible that Harada is using Müller (1881) though this does not appear in his bibliography. The misplaced colon after vyavalokayati sma is a distinctive feature of Conze's edition. Harada's text is not H, nor any of Conze's variants, and does not appear to be Müller. So is he using an edition published only in Japan? Or has he created a hybrid for his own purposes? 

Wherever the text comes from, it has mistakes in it. As well as those noted, Harada's text has the same two mistakes found in all the versions of Conze's edition. In the first sentence, pañcaskandha is in the wrong case (Attwood 2015). It should be accusative plural, i.e. (with sandhi) pañcaskandhāṃs making it the object of vyavalokayati sma (and this is why the colon is extraneous). Secondly, following Müller (1881) and Conze (1967) Harada's text incorrectly has a full stop (period) after cittāvaraṇāḥ (Attwood 2018a). This leaves the next four words with no verb and no subject and thus they do not make a well-formed sentence. The short term solution is simply to remove the full stop, but there are much deeper problems that were partially addressed by Huifeng (2014) and which I forensically examine in my forthcoming article (2019b).

Now, these mistakes in the Sanskrit text ought to be obvious to anyone with basic Sanskrit. A transitive verb with no object adjacent to a noun in the nominative (meaning it has no relationship to any other word in the sentence) ought to ring alarm bells. Similarly, a sentence with no verb and no subject is not a properly formed sentence and any competent Sanskritist ought to have noticed this and corrected it. So this raises questions about Harada's competence as a Sanskritist. That said, many apparently competent Sanskritists did not notice these mistakes over the 70 years since Conze's edition was first published. Normally we'd notice a grammatical mistake precisely because a sentence doesn't make sense. I've argued (Attwood 2015) that the expectation of nonsense established by Suzuki and promoted by Conze made them and subsequent scholars insensitive to mistakes in the text. I have to say that this aspect of studying the Heart Sutra infuriates me. All the more so when incompetent commentators are cited as authorities.


Harada's Argument

We can now consider Harada's argument as presented by Pat457. I cite the whole of Pat457's text verbatim in blue and indented. My comments are interspersed in black.
Nattier doesn't give an answer as to why the shorter Sanskrit version does not contain the phrase 度一切苦厄 ("crossed over all suffering and affliction"). Harada cites Fumimasa Fukui's thesis (Hannya shingyō no kakushin (般若心経の核心 'The Core of the Heart Sūtra') in Toyo no Shisō to Shūkyō (東洋の思想と宗教 'Thought and Religion in the East') 4, Waseda Univ., 1987) that the core - the 'heart', if you will - of the Heart Sūtra is not so much the first half that speaks about emptiness, but the latter half that extols the merits of the Gate gate paragate...mantra. Fukui argues, and Harada apparently concurs, that the phrase 能除一切苦 ("able to remove all affliction") is actually the most important part of the sūtra - in fact, the very reason why the sūtra came to be so popular in China. The phrase 度一切苦厄 in the opening section - found in Kumarajiva (T. 0250) and Xuanzang (T. 0251), with equivalents in the longer versions of Prajñā and Li Yan (T. 0253: 離諸苦厄) and Prajñācakra (T. 0254: 離諸苦厄), but absent from other versions - is proposed to have been inserted by Kumarajiva in his version of the sūtra to prefigure 能除一切苦, which Xuanzang preserved in his own version. If, as Nattier said, the Sanskrit Heart Sūtra was a back-translation from Xuanzang's Chinese 'translation' (which in turn was based on Kumarajiva's Large Prajñāpāramita text) made in China, Harada argued that the omission of 度一切苦厄 would be an unthinkable move. (pp. 108-107/33-34)

It is quite true that Nattier doesn't attempt to explain 度一切苦厄. What can we say about this? Firstly, Watanabe Shōgo showed that the Damingzhoujing (T 250) was not by Kumārajīva. He called it a 偽経 (gikyō) "fake text". This echoes the term 偽經 wěi jīng (same characters and meaning) used by medieval Chinese bibliographers for texts which they did not accept as Buddhist texts. In an undated interview in Japanese, Watanabe says: 鳩摩羅什訳の『般若心経』は偽経であるという説が提示され、現在、学界で定説となっています。 i.e. “The theory that Kumārajīva’s Heart Sutra is a spurious scripture [偽経] was suggested and it has become an established theory in the academic world at present” (Translation by Dr. Jeffrey Kotyk; personal communication). I concur with Watanabe: the Damingzhgoujing is a fake, probably produced in the 8th Century to boost the myth of the Heart Sutra. Although Fukui missed this point himself, Harada includes the Watanabe article in his bibliography. We don't know why he ignored the finding. 

I have identified the probable source of this phrase 度一切苦厄, i.e. T 410 13.708.a26-7. The  《大方廣十輪經》 Dàfāng guǎng shílún jīng (T 410) is a translation of the *Daśacakra-kṣitigarbha-sūtra, made by an unknown translator during the Northern Liang Dynasty, ca. 397 – 439 CE. Note that the text used in Xīnjīng is not from Xuanzang's translation (T 411) because he translated this phrase as, 脫一切憂苦 (tuō yīqiè yōu kǔ). Unfortunately there are no Sanskrit versions left anymore, but the phrase probably translated something like sarvaduḥkhitaṃ samatikramati sma (note: the phrase sarvaduḥkh* is found only a once in the Nepalese recension of the Sanskrit Large Sutra and not in this phrase).

As Pat457 says, "Harada argued that the omission of 度一切苦厄 would be an unthinkable move". But no counterpart of this phrase is found in any Sanskrit manuscript. It is no less unthinkable that a random phrase would be added by a translator when it did not occur in their source. My opinion is that it makes less sense as an addition than it does as an omission. However, there is not enough evidence to resolve this issue and it should, therefore, be pegged as a mystery rather than disingenuously asserting one's opinions as facts.

Harada cites Fukui in arguing that "能除一切苦 ("able to remove all affliction") is actually the most important part of the sūtra". This seems very unlikely. It is based on a misreading of the text. As I showed in Attwood (2017), the latter half of the text does not "extol the merits of the Gate gate paragate...mantra" at all. In fact, the word mantra does not occur in the Chinese Heart Sutra or in the Sanskrit texts from which the epithets pericope comes. The epithets extol the virtue of Prajñāpāramitā (as is all too obvious in the Large Sutra, especially in Sanskrit) and the word 明咒 mistakenly translated as mantra in the Sanskrit Heart Sutra was intended to read vidyā (as it does in all the extant Sanskrit Prajñāpāramitā manuscripts) but in practice was read bright dhāraṇī (i.e. as two words) when the Heart Sutra was compiled in the 7th Century. Nor is the following spell a mantra; it is a dhāraṇī. Translating 咒 as mantra was simply a mistake. Most of this was stated explicitly in Nattier (1992: 211-3 n.54a - with credit to Yamabe Nobuyoshi who alerted Nattier to this issue but never published it himself). My article was more or less a systematic expansion of the point made by Yamabe and Nattier in fn 54a enabled by the power of electronic searching to systematically identify all the occurrences of the pericope.

 I recently discovered that the epithets did circulate separately in a version taken from the Small Sutra (aka Aṣṭasāhasrikā). However, Buddhists have always focused on the section that says 色不異空,空不異色;色即是空,空即是色。 "Appearance is emptiness, emptiness is only appearance, etc".

In proposing this theory about the "core", Fukui and Harada have made a easily avoidable error.

Harada answers Nattier's observation that the Heart Sūtra uses kṣaya for the Large Sūtra's nirodha by pointing out that the Sanskrit version of the Perfection of Wisdom in 8,000 Lines (Aṣṭasāhasrikā-Prajñāpāramitā) already uses the word akṣayatva (... avidyākṣayatvena subhūte bodhisattvena mahāsattvena prajñāpāramitā abhinirhartavyā / evaṃ saṃskārākṣayatvena vijñānākṣayatvena nāmarūpākṣayatvena ṣaḍāyatanākṣayatvena sparśākṣayatvena vedanākṣayatvena tṛṣṇākṣayatvena upādānākṣayatvena bhavākṣayatvena jātyakṣayatvena jarāmaraṇākṣayatvena śokaparidevaduḥkhadaurmanasyopāyāsākṣayatvena subhūte bodhisattvena mahāsattvena prajñāpāramitā abhinirhartavyā). Ergo, the Heart Sūtra's use of kṣaya is not unusual/without precedent. (pp. 96-95/45-46).

Except that kṣaya means "destruction" and akṣayatva means "indestructible" or Conze translated it as "non-extinction" (1973: 271). (i.e. the complete opposite): avidyākṣayatvena subhūte bodhisattvena mahāsattvena prajñāpāramitā abhinirhartavyā "Perfection of insight should be [internally] realised by the bodhisatva, mahasatva, through the indestructibility of ignorance." This comes towards the end of the text (and was probably added quite late). It's not entirely clear that it makes sense.

Note that Kumārajīva's text does not include an exact parallel. He does, however, have the immediately preceding passage with the same structure: 「須菩提!色無盡故,是生般若波羅蜜;受、想、行、識無盡故 (T 227; 8.578c22-3) "Subhūti [the bodhisatva] gives birth to the Prajñāpāramitā through the indestructibility of appearance". Xuanzang's translation does have a (abbreviated) parallel: 應觀無明乃至老死皆無盡故,引發般若波羅蜜多;(T 220; 7.315b1-3). Here akṣayatva = 無盡故; abhinirhartavyā = 引發; avidyā yāvan jarāmaraṇa = 無明乃至老死 .

Kumārajīva and Xuanzang confusingly use both 無明滅 and  無明盡 for avidyānirodha, though both have a preference for the former: T 223 4 x 無明滅 and 2 x 無明盡; T 220 43 and 2. Still, we know that the Sanskrit tradition is unequivocal in using nirodha. The confusion only exists in Chinese. There is a very long-standing convention of referring to the cessation of the nidānas (which is where Hṛd employs kṣaya) using the word nirodha - the same word in Pāli and Sanskrit and Gāndhārī (though the spelling is irregular in the latter). I know of no exception to this in Pāḷi or Sanskrit. The Pāli equivalent khaya is never found in this context (which is easily confirmed by electronic searching). In short using kṣaya here is simply a mistake; and a mistake that no Indian Buddhist would make. It's part of a pervasive pattern of this kind of mistake in the Sanskrit Heart Sutra that tells us the text was composed in Chinese.

Regarding Nattier's observation that while the general meaning of the Large Sūtra and the Heart Sūtra are the same but their vocabulary is not (the Large Sūtra employs singular verbal forms while the Heart Sūtra uses plural adjectival forms), Harada points out that such grammatical differences are natural, since the subject in the Large Sutra is śūnyatā (singular feminine), while in the Heart Sutra, the subject is sarva-dharmāḥ (plural masculine). Note that such grammatical differences do not exist in Chinese, so where the Sanskrit differs (na ... utpadyate na nirudhyate / anutpannā aniruddhā), the Chinese text of both the Large Sūtra and the Heart Sūtra simply just say 不生、不滅.
Harada also makes the same observation as Nattier (p. 203) that while the Chinese versions say 不增不減 ("(they) do not increase, (they) do not decrease"), the Sanskrit formulates it in reverse: anūnā aparipūrṇāḥ "they do not decrease, they do not increase." While Nattier says that "it is difficult to explain this reversal no matter what direction of textual transmission is postulated," Harada points out how the Chinese title of the Anūnatva-Apūrṇatva-Nirdeśa shows the same quirk as the phrase in the Chinese Heart Sūtra: 不增不減經 - i.e. putting 'non-increase' (apūrṇatva 不增) before 'non-decrease' (anūnatva 不減). All in all, he proposes that the Heart Sūtra was indeed compiled in India and sees it very likely that its vocabulary was taken from a source/s different from that of the Large Sūtra (he proposes the Tathāgatagarbha sūtras (如来蔵経典)), thereby explaining the different word choices. (pp. 100-99/41-42)
This is a reference to the passage:

Hṛd

Xīn
Dàjīng
Pañc

Iha Śāriputra sarva-dharmāḥ śūnyatā-lakṣaṇā, anutpannā aniruddhā, amalā avimalā, anūnā aparipūrṇāḥ.
是諸 法空相 不生不滅不垢不淨不增不減。
是諸 法空相 不生不滅不垢不淨不增不減。
ya Śāradvatīputra śūnyatā na sā utpadyate, no nirudyate, na saṃkliśyate, na vyavadāyate, na hīyate, no vardhate.

As Nattier points out, the Chinese text inexplicably shifts the subject from śūnyatā (singular) to sarvadharmāḥ (plural). With this shift the grammatical forms have to change. And, since we have this text in all four versions, we can do our basic check of asking where the similarities and differences are. As we can see, Xīn and Dajing are identical, while Hṛd and Pañc are different in vocabulary and sentence structure and, crucially, the subject in Hṛd is sarvadharmāḥ (following the Chinese rather than the Sanskrit Large Sutra). This gives a clear conclusion. But we can say more. The passage in Pañc is a pericope. It occurs, with minor variations, throughout the Prajñāpāramitā literature and even though the conjugations vary, it always uses words from the same roots, i.e. ut√pad and ni√rudh; saṃ√kliś and vi-ava√dā; √ and √vṛd. Sometimes the pairs appear individually.

Now this is easily refuted. All we have to do is show a Sanskrit text with the same wording as the Heart Sutra. Even one. I've looked for seven years and I cannot find one. Harada has evidently not found one either. But we would not expect to. This is simply not how Indian Buddhists expressed these ideas, whereas the forms found in the extant Pañc and Aṣṭa texts are how they expressed them. The Japanese scholars all seem to adopt the approach of seeking Chinese texts that might explain the situation. But this cannot help us here. We are not trying to explain the similarity in Chinese, we are trying to explain the difference in Sanskrit and only another Sanskrit text will do. Chinese translations are notoriously poor guides to the Sanskrit source texts. As Jan Nattier says in her other famous work:
"In short, when reading any given line of a Chinese Buddhist sūtra—excepting perhaps those produced by someone like Hsüan-tsang, who is justifiably famous for his accuracy—we have a roughly equal chance of encountering an accurate reflection of the underlying Indian original or a catastrophic misunderstanding" (2003: 71).
And as we've just seen, Xuanzang is not 100% reliable. What does Xuanzang have in his translation? He has: 是諸法空相,不生不滅、不染不淨、不增不減 (T 220; 5.22b67), i.e. exactly the same as Kumārajīva. If Xuanzang is famed for his accuracy and all the extant Sanskrit manuscripts have "śūnyatā na sā utpadyate, no nirudyate, na saṃkliśyate, na vyavadāyate, na hīyate, no vardhate" then this is what those characters refer to in T 220 but also, since the two translators use identical expressions, this is what T 223 refers to as well. Xuanzang has approved of Kumārajīva's translation and reused it so it must have matched his Sanskrit source text. And thus the Sanskrit terms in the Hṛd are the odd ones out. The Chinese characters in Xīnjīng cannot be a translation of the Sanskrit terms  in Hṛd because we know that these Chinese characters fit the expected pattern. This is all quite elementary. We have no need to go looking for alternative sources in Chinese.

Harada needlessly proposes the Tathāgatagarbha Sūtras as alternative sources but of course most of the main Tathāgatagarbha Sūtras do not exist in Sanskrit any more. Of those that do, the Ratnagotravibhāga does not contain these terms except for one mention of anutpannā aniruddhā (Rgv 112); the Mahāyāna Mahāparinirvāṇa Sūtra does not contain the terms at all; the Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra has the words anutpanna and niruddha paired (e.g. Laṅk 77) but never the others. So, as far as Sanskrit sources go, Harada's theory falls flat. 

The Anūnatva-Apūrṇatva-Nirdeśa does indeed show the same quirk as the phrase in the Chinese Heart Sūtra: 不增不減經. The problem with this text as a potential source is that it does not include the phrase 不垢不淨. The Nirdeśa does include 不生不滅 but it is clearly being used in the singular. All three pairs would have to occur to consider the Anūnatva-Apūrṇatva-Nirdeśa as a potential source for the Xīnjīng. Ideally, we'd see the three pairs used as a set, but the Nirdeśa doesn't even combine the two pairs it does include. Harada seems to have done a half job here. With a little more effort he would have seen these serious objections to this proposition. 

Note also that the Dajing has the pair 不增不減 in the opposite order to the Sanskrit text. Now, Anūnatva-Apūrṇatva-Nirdeśa was translated by Bodhiruci, who was active around a century after Kumārajīva made his translation. So why is Harada proposing that we need another source later than Kumārajīva? We know that Xīnjīng borrows other phrases from the Large Sutra, so why not this one? The fact that Harada's alternative theory doesn't make sense should not detract from the fact that it is not needed in the first place.

Regarding the differences in expression used between the Large Sūtra (na anya X anya Y "X is not other than Y") and the Heart Sūtra (X na pṛthak Y) "Y is not distinct from X") despite their word-for-word similarity in Chinese (X不異Y), Harada pretty much argues that the similarity in the Chinese version could have been caused by Xuanzang being a conservative translator, citing how in his own translation of the Large Sūtra (T. 0220). Xuanzang retained Kumarajiva's 色不異空、空不異色. Harada adds, if the Sanskrit Heart Sutra was really back-translated from Xuanzang's text, why did the translator not render 空 as śūnyaṃ/śūnyān, but as śūnyatā/śūnyatā(ḥ), which would have been 空性 in Chinese? (pp. 106-105/35-36)

The Indian Prajñāpāramitā literature never uses the form na pṛthak. Never. The Indian Prajñāpāramitā authors always make this kind of comparison using the anya pronoun. And here again the two Sanskrit texts are very different, while the Chinese texts are the same or very similar. Which is exactly what the Chinese origins thesis predicts.

Harada's point about 空 is spurious because 空 is routinely used for sūnyatā in Chinese texts of many genres and across different time periods. What's more śūnyatā is the form the word mostly takes in Sanskrit; the adjectival form śūnyan appears occasionally and it also translated as 空. The alternate translation 空性 is sometimes used, but much less often. For example, in his Large Sutra translation Kumārajīva uses 空  2280 times and 空性 just 34 times. Most of the time 空 means śūnyatā and Harada must be aware of this because it is elementary to the field of Chinese Buddhist studies. 

A more serious objection was raised by Huifeng (2008), i.e that Nattier had ignored the notes in the Taishō which showed that the older editions of the Tripiṭaka have an alternative form of the phrase, i.e. 非色異空. This is what we find in Damingzhoujing (T 250), although we know that this text is a fake. The early Chinese commentarial literature has the phrase as 色不異空: for example, the Zhào lùn 肇論by Kumārajīva’s student Sēngzhào 僧肇 (T 1858; 45.156c5-6); and the Móhēzhǐguān 摩訶止觀 (T 1911), a collection of lectures by Zhìyǐ 智顗 published by his student Guàndǐng 灌頂 in 594 CE (T 1911; 46.5b19-20). This suggests that 色不異空 is the original expression and that the alternative was introduced in the editing of the Canon.

Regarding the following excerpt: (clause Ia/b) rūpān na pṛthak śūnyatā śūnyatāyā na pṛthag rūpam; (clause IIa/b)evam eva vedanā saṃjñā saṃskāro vijñānaṃ; (clause IIIa/b)yad rūpaṃ sā śūnyatā yā śūnyatā tad rūpam, Harada makes the following points:
(1) He refutes Nattier's claim that (Ia/b) rūpaṃ śūnyatā śūnyataiva rūpaṃ "is absent from all the Chinese versions of the text" (p. 203) by citing the translations of Amoghavajra (From a manuscript from Dunhuang: (Ia/b) 色空、色性是空。 (IIa) 色不異空。(IIb) 空亦不異色。(IIIa) 是色彼空、(IIIb) 是空彼色。), Dharmacandra (法月 Fayue, 738 - T. 0252: (Ia/b) 色性是空、空性是色 (IIa) 色不意空。(IIb) 空不意色。(IIIa) 色即是空、(IIIb) 空即是色。) and Prajñācakra (智慧輪, after 855 CE - T. 0254: (Ia/b) 色空、空性見(?)色。(IIa) 色不意空。(IIb) 空不意色。(IIIa) 即色是空、(IIIb) 即空是色。)

Nattier has confused the issue here and phrased her observation poorly. Harada is technically correct here. What Nattier meant to comment on, I'm sure, is that the pairs of phrases rūpam śūnyatā śūnyataiva rūpam and rūpān na pṛthak śūnyatā śūnyatāyā na pṛthag rūpam are inverted in Chinese, i.e. 色 不異空,空不異色;色即是空,空即是色。 And in this case Hṛd follows Dajing rather than Pañc. More evidence against the Indian origins thesis.

Harada manages to show that the phrase occurs in the Heart Sutra versions, because of course it does, but so what? The other versions of the Heart Sutra all dated later than the Xīnjīng. And we know from Watanabe that Damingzhoujing is a fake.
(2) Harada agrees that many Nepalese manuscripts lack (IIIa/b) yad rūpaṃ sā śūnyatā yā śūnyatā tad rūpam. Among the Chinese translations, those of Facheng (法成, 8th c. - T. 0255: (Ia) 色即是空、(Ib) 空即是色。(IIa) 色不異空、(IIb) 空不異色。) and Dānapāla (施護, after 982 CE - T. 0257: (Ia) 即色是空、(Ib) 即空是色。(IIa) 色無異於空。(IIb) 空無異於色。) reflect this omission. Out of the Indian commentators on the Heart Sūtra, only Praśāstrasena has this third sentence; all others omit it.

(3) Versions that include this third sentence (aside from Praśāstrasena's text) are the Hōryūji manuscript and the transliterations by Amoghavajra and Maitrībhadra (慈賢: 10th c.), the Chinese translations mentioned in (1), and a Tibetan manuscript of the short version found in Dunhuang.
(4) The versions of Xuanzang and Prajñā+Li Yan, meanwhile, apparently omit the third sentence and switch the first two sentences around: (IIa) 色不異空、(IIb) 空不異色。(Ia) 色即是空、(Ib) 空即是色。
(5) In both Kumarajiva's version of the Heart Sūtra and the Large Sūtra, however, the sentence structure is completely in reverse:
(-IIIb') 色空故無惱壞相。受空故無受相。想空故無知相。行空故無作相。識空故無覺相。何以故。(IIa) 舍利弗非色異空。(IIb) 非空異色。(Ia) 色即是空。(Ib) 空即是色。

There's no real argument against the Chinese origins thesis here. Details of a textual variation cited without analysis don't help much. And Harada seems to ignore chronology here. If later versions show variation, then so what? This is precisely what we expect for a Mahāyāna sūtra. All that we need to point out is that the line yad rūpaṃ sā śūnyatā yā śūnyatā tad rūpam is absent from both recensions of Pañc and from the Chinese translations of Pañc. It was clearly added in some manuscripts of the Heart Sutra after the initial composition creating a second recension. And again, this is just what we expect for a Mahāyāna sūtra text over time.

One begins to suspect that Harada has not looked at the Sanskrit Pañc at all. Admittedly, the edition by Dutt (1934) was quite flawed and the facsimile edition of the Gilgit manuscript he had access to was difficult to read. We are fortunate now to have much better access to these texts in the editions by Kimura (2010) and Karashima et al. (2016).  The whole point that Nattier makes is that the pervasive differences are in Sanskrit. We are not really trying to explain similarities in Chinese, we are trying to explain differences in Sanskrit. No amount of citing Chinese texts is going to achieve this (unless, of course, the Chinese texts are the source text for the Hṛdaya).

Harada then proposes the following scenario: the original sentence order as found in the 25,000-verse Prajñāpāramitā and in the 'primitive Heart Sutra' (原初的な 『心経』) in which this section was incorporated was (-IIIb')-(IIa/b)-(Ia/b). (cf. Kumarajiva) At some point, (-IIIb') was excised, leaving only (IIa/b)-(Ia/b). (cf. Xuanzang, Prajna and Li Yan) Afterwards, a new sentence (IIIa/b) was inserted and the first two sentences were switched around, giving the structure (Ia/b)-(IIa/b)-(IIIa/b). (cf. Hōryūji and Dunhuang MSS, Amoghavajra, Maitrībhadra, Dharmacandra, Prajñācakra, Praśāstrasena) However, (IIIa/b) was finally dropped, leaving only (Ia/b)-(IIa/b). (cf. Facheng, Dānapāla, Nepalese and Indian MSS.)
Harada thus argues that the shorter Sanskrit version cannot then have been a back-translation from Xuanzang's text as Nattier proposes: if that was the case, one should expect the text to reflect the (IIa/b)-(Ia/b) structure found in Xuanzang, whereas texts such as the Hōryūji MS or Amoghavajra's transliteration have the (Ia/b)-(IIa/b)-(IIIa/b) structure. (pp. 105-103/36-38)

This is just nonsense. There is no need for such a convoluted approach to this textual variation. This argument ignores the obvious conclusions and tries to twist them so that they support an article of faith. yad rūpaṃ sā śūnyatā yā śūnyatā tad rūpam is simply missing from both the recensions of Pañc. It was added directly to the Heart Sutra some time after the composition of the Xīnjīng.

What Harada has done here is compare all the texts except the actual source of the reused passage. What's more, I have shown (Attwood 2017b) that this phrase has a long history and undergoes an important transition when it is copied from the Aṣṭasāhasrikā-prajñāpāramitā-sūtra (Aṣṭa) into the Large Sutra. Here is how this phrase evolved.

rūpam māyopamaṃ
"appearance is like an illusion"
(simile in Pāḷi suttas)
rūpam māyā
"appearance is illusion"
(metaphor in Sanskrit āgamas)
rūpameva māyā mayaiva rūpam
nānyad rupām anyā māyā nānyā māyā anyad rūpaṃ.
"Appearance is just illusion; illusion is just appearance.
Appearance is not different from illusion; illusion is not different from appearance"
(Aṣṭa)
rūpameva śūnyatā śūnyataiva rūpam
nānyad rupām anyā śūnyatā nānyā māyā anyad rūpaṃ.
(Pañc)
色不異空 空不異色
色即是空 空即是色
(Dajing) [inverted pairs]
非色異空 非空異色
色即是空 空即是色
(Dajing alternate text)
色不異空 空不異色
色即是空 空即是色
(Xīnjīng)
rūpam śūnyatā śūnyataiva rūpam.
rūpān na pṛthak śūṇyatā śūnyatāyā na pṛthag rūpam
(Hṛd)
rūpam śūnyatā śūnyataiva rūpam.
rūpān na pṛthak śūṇyatā śūnyatāyā na pṛthag rūpam
yad rūpaṃ sā śūnyatā yā śūnyatā tad rūpam
(Hṛd)


Inverting the pairs was a quirk introduced into the text by Kumārajīva in his Large Sutra translation. The key point that Harada misses is that although na pṛthak is valid Sanskrit, it is never used by the Indian authors of Prajñāpāramitā texts. No amount of shuffling the Chinese texts around can erase this vital fact. It was ignorance of the Sanskrit Prajñāpāramitā literature that tripped up the original translator and made him chose the wrong word on many occasions. And it has tripped up Harada as well.

At the part "Because there is no attainment, the bodhisattva(s), relying on perfection of wisdom..." the Horyuji MS, Amoghavajra and Maitrībhadra all have bodhisatvānāṃ (genitive plural). The plural is also reflected in the Tibetan version (byaṅ-chub-sems-dpaḥ rnams), even if the word there is rendered in the nominative as the subject of thob-pa med-paḥi phyir ("because there is no attainment"). Harada asks, since Xuanzang's version reads 菩提薩埵 at this point, shouldn't have one expected the putative creator of the Sanskrit text to render it in the nominative singular (bodhisattvaḥ) instead of the plural bodhisattvānāṃ attested in the different versions? (p. 94/47)
(Harada (pp. 49-50/92-91) answers the question about how to square the plural 'bodhisattvas' with āśritya viharati, which requires a singular nominative by saying that the subject of this portion is actually Avalokiteśvaramentioned in the prologue: in other words, Avalokiteśvara examined the five skandhas, the twelve ayatanas, the eighteen dhatus, the twelve nidanas, and the four noble truths, saw their 'emptiness', and as a result, he dwells (in saṃsāra to save sentient beings?) in a state of nirvāṇa, with an unobstructed mind. Harada declares that Avalokiteśvara must be the one referred to in this portion; otherwise it will appear that he just had a one-time cameo in the beginning and then inexplicably disappeared. "I cannot imagine the author of the Heart Sutra seriously thinking of such an incomprehensible and unsightly scenario." (『心経 』制作者がそんな不可解で無様なドラマのシナリオを本気で考えたとは想像できない。)
His rendering of this portion (p. 119/22) therefore pretty much runs like (note: not a word for word translation of his translation): "Because there is no attainment (of the arhathood held to be the ideal in Śrāvakayāna) for bodhisattvas, he (Avalokiteśvara), relying on the perfection of wisdom, (continues to) dwell (in saṃsāra) with an unobstructed mind. Because his mind is unobstructed, he is unafraid [of saṃsāra], having overcome perverse thoughts/views; (while still being in the saṃsāra world) he is in nirvāṇa. It is (after all) due to relying on the perfection of wisdom that all the buddhas of the three times have attained supreme, perfect awakening."

Here Harada goes completely off the rails as is shown by Huifeng 2014 and my forthcoming article on this section (still in the review process). Harada has failed to notice a couple of things that Huifeng's sharp eyes have noticed.

The first is that where Xinjing has 無智亦無得 which we rightly translate as na jñānam na prāptir, the Sanskrit recensions of Pañc both have instead na prāptir nābhisamayo. I added the observation that both the Mokṣala (T 8.6a11-12) and Xuanzang (T 7.14a23) translations of this passage are consistent with na prāptir nābhisamayo. The text should read na prāptir nābhisamayo. What's more, I observe in my forthcoming article that the list of pairs that follow in all the Pañc texts, including Kumārajīva, are precisely the attainments and realisations. All the lists are based on the classic list of eight āryas. In the Gilgit Pañc ms. we find this list
na prāptir nābhisamayaḥ na srota āpanno na srota āpattiphalaṃ [na sakṛdāgāmī] {21r} [na sakṛdāgāmi]phalaṃ nānāgāmī nānāgāmiphalaṃ nārhan nārhatvaṁ na pratyekabodhir na pratyekabuddhaḥ na tatra mārgākārajñatā na bodhisatvaḥ na tatra bodhir na buddhaḥ. [my transcription of the ms in Karashima et al 2016].
No attainment, no realisation: no stream entry and no fruit of stream entry, no once-returning and no fruit of once-returning; no non-returning and no fruit of non-returning, no arhat and no arhatship, no individual awakening and individually-awakened, no knowledge of the path-maker and no bodhisatva, no awakening and no awakened.

Here prāpti and abhisamaya stand for the more usual marga and phala. Thus Kumārajīva, alone of the three Chinese translators, has made an error here. This very specific error is copied into the Heart Sutra and then translated into Sanskrit. This alone makes the Chinese origins thesis a certainty.


Conclusion

It is now 27 years since Nattier's article was published and it has yet to get the credit it deserves. I find it frustrating that the responses to it fall so far short of the standard that Nattier set, and yet still seem to outshine her exemplary work.

There is always the possibility that Pat457 has misrepresented Harada, in which case this critique can be considered a rebuttal of the Pat457's text. And my apologies to Harada-san. I'd be more than happy to read a full translation of Harada's article by a competent translator at some point, even though the summary by Pat457 makes it seem quite unpromising. But, taking it at face value, we have to question what Harada was doing when he published these comments and what kind of editorial process his work went through. The Sanskrit text he uses is faulty to start with. Does no one actually read the Heart Sutra in Sanskrit? The flaws in his argument seem so obvious that the whole enterprise strains credulity. How do these substandard articles on the Heart Sutra get published?

The Heart Sutra, the most popular of all Buddhist texts, seems to attract only cranks and zealots. Where is the careful, detailed, impartial scholarship? Why are the same old cliches endlessly repeated?

At present the Wikipedia article on the Heart Sutra says that Fukui, Harada, Ishii  et al have refuted the Chinese origins thesis, which is simply and emphatically not true. The traditional interpretation has some antiquity and should be properly documented. But so should the truth. The Heart Sutra appears to be popular only in a very narrow sense of the word: it is chanted and sung as a magical incantation, but it is not read or studied. If you want to tell me that you have read or studied the text then first you must tell me where the mistakes are. If you can't say, then you have not read it. And if you have only studied a translation, then you have been misled, probably deliberately. You've been had. And the sad thing is that the true history and story of the Heart Sutra is better than the cheesy traditional story.

"Ever get the feeling you've been cheated?"
John Lydon. 


~~oOo~~


Bibliography

Attwood, J.
— 2015. ‘Heart Murmurs: Some Problems with Conze’s Prajñāpāramitāhṛdaya.’ Journal of the Oxford Centre for Buddhist Studies, 8, 28-48.
— 2017a. ‘“Epithets of the Mantra’ in the Prajñāpāramitāhṛdaya.” Journal of the Oxford Centre for Buddhist Studies, 12: 28-59.
— 2017b. ‘Form is (Not) Emptiness: The Enigma at the Heart of the Heart Sutra.’ Journal of the Oxford Centre for Buddhist Studies, 13, 52–80.
— 2018a. A note on Niṣṭhānirvāṇaḥ in the Heart Sutra. Journal of the Oxford Centre for Buddhist Studies, 14, 10-17
— 2018b. ‘The Buddhas of the Three Times and the Chinese Origins of the Heart Sutra.’ Journal of the Oxford Centre for Buddhist Studies. 15, 9-27.
— 2019a (forthcoming). Xuanzang's Relationship to the Heart Sutra in light of the Fangshan Stele. Journal of Chinese Buddhism.
— 2019b (forthcoming). ‘Ungarbling Section VI of the Sanskrit Heart Sutra.’ Journal of the Oxford Centre for Buddhist Studies.

Conze, Edward. (1973). The Perfection of Wisdom in Eight Thousand Lines and its Verse Summary. San Francisco: City Lights, 2006 (reprint).

Dutt, N. (1934). Pañcaviṃśatisāhasrikā Prajñāpāramitā Sūtra: edited with critical notes and introduction. London, Luzac & Co.

Harada, W. (2002) "An Annotated Translation of The Prajñaparamitahrdaya." Association of Esoteric Buddhist Studies, Vol.2002, No.209, pp. L17-L62

Huifeng.
— (2008). “A Survey Of Prajñāpāramitā Sūtra Translations In Chinese.” Unpublished Essay. http://prajnacara.blogspot.com/2008/10/survey-of-prajnaparamita-sutra.html.
— (2014). “Apocryphal Treatment for Conze’s Heart Problems: Non-attainment, Apprehension, and Mental Hanging in the Prajñāpāramitā Hṛdaya.” Journal of the Oxford Centre for Buddhist Studies. 6: 72-105.

Karashima, S., et al. (2016) Mahāyāna Texts: Prajñāpāramitā Texts (1). Gilgit Manuscripts in the National Archives of India Facsimile Edition Volume II.1. The National Archives of India and The International Research Institute for Advanced Buddhology, Soka University, Tokyo.

Kimura, Takayasu. (2010). Pañcaviṃśatisāhasrikā Prajñāpāramitā. 5 Vols. Tokyo: Sankibo Busshorin 2007-2010.

Nattier, Jan (1992). “The Heart Sūtra: a Chinese apocryphal text?” Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies. 15 (2) 153-223.

24 November 2017

Japanese Reception of the Chinese Origins Thesis

As I prepare material for my book on the Heart Sutra, I have been collating published responses to Jan Nattier's thesis that the text was composed in Chinese and (back)translated into Sanskrit (Nattier 1992). I suggested in a previous essay that the reception of Nattier's thesis in Japan has been and remains decidedly anti. New evidence of this has emerged in the form of an article by Ishii Kōsei (2015), translated by his English-speaking former student Dr Jeffrey Kotyk

Unfortunately, much of the research done in Japan is only ever published in Japanese and is thus inaccessible to the majority of Buddhist Studies researchers in the West. The linguistic burden is high in our field. I have varying levels of skill in Pāḷi, Sanskrit, and Medieval-Chinese, but adding modern Japanese just to get access to secondary literature is not feasible. A review article of the Japanese reception of Nattier's article by some qualified scholar is a desideratum, but since Prajñāpāramitā is a tiny niche in Buddhist Studies, it is unlikely ever to happen. 

Ishii is apparently writing in a milieu in which there have already been well-received attacks on Nattier's thesis of a kind that we have not seen in English. He cites publications by Fukui Fuminasa and Harada Wasō, but these apparently focus on the conjecture that Xuanzang might have been responsible for making the Sanskrit translation from Chinese. The conflation of the Chinese origins thesis with the Xuanzang as translator thesis is unhelpful. Nattier leaves open the possibility but, in the end, does not commit to Xuanzang being the translator. On the other hand, the evidence for Chinese origins is very strong. Ishii seems to think that it is because we Western scholars of Buddhist Studies are "not specialists in this respect" that we have fallen for Nattier's thesis, rather than the strength of her arguments.

Ishii thus see his article as contributing some details to an existing (Japanese)  consensus in the face of a general credulity and ignorance in the West. Without access to that consensus, we are forced to take his article on face value, which I'm sure does not do it justice. Be that as it may, I will briefly outline the main points of Ishii's article and then review his methods and conclusions. I may say that my own published research has touched on many of the issues that Ishii has raised and I am thus in a relatively unique position to comment. I am very much a specialist in this respect (see my list of publications).


A Precis of Ishii (2015)

Ishii begins by referencing Nattier's 1992 article with a focus on the idea that Xuanzang might have been involved in editing and translating it from Chinese to Sanskrit. The bulk of the article deals with the opening sentence of the Heart Sutra and with Nattier's translation of it, which Ishii suggests follows the Chinese text, largely on the basis that Nattier omits a word-for-word translation of svabhāva  (1992: 155). 

While Nattier is explicitly translating from a modified version of Conze's critical edition, Ishii refers only to the diplomatic edition based on several hand-copies of the Hōryūji manuscript, produced by Müller in 1884 (though he refers to this as a "critical edition", it is clearly not). In order to attempt to refute Nattier, Ishii launches into a lengthy exposition showing that the word svabhāva is present in the Sanskrit text, but absent in the Chinese, and that the passage overall has given translators some difficulty. He tries to establish a case for the word svabhāva being dropped by a Chinese translator (as it is dropped by Nattier). 

Ishii spends a good deal of time speculating on how to translate the Sanskrit text into Chinese, twisting it this way and that according to rules which may be obvious to his Japanese readers, but which are not at all clear to me. His point seems to be that one may, through a series of arbitrary changes, rearrange a Chinese translation of the Sanskrit, to fit the pattern of Chinese one finds in T251 (the standard Heart Sutra in East Asia). However, on face value the Sanskrit and Chinese texts are simply different. I am told that this may reflect the Japanese practice of rearranging Classical Chinese texts into the Japanese word order and only then interpreting them, a procedure known as  kaki-kudashi, 書き下し.

A particular problem is that the Sanskrit has three phrases, marked by the present participle caramāṇo, "practising") and two verbs with meaning "look" (vyava√lok) and "see" (√paś) - both using the pleonastic particle sma indicating the past or the present-in-the-past tense. One of the problems in Chinese is that there are only two verbs in this sentence, i.e., "practising" (行) and "clearly-seeing" (照見). Ishii seems to be saying that the latter is in fact two verbs in two distinct phrases, but rearranged in a series of aesthetic changes so that the two verb characters are together at the beginning of the two phrases, in the order verb1 verb2 phrase1 phrase2

Ishii then discusses the 照見 combination in Chinese literature (two examples) and the vyavalokayati sma/paśyati sma combination in Sanskrit. However, he seems to show that 照見 is used as a binomial verb - the two characters have to be taken together, rather than as two separate verbs, which undermines his case. He argues that, though the phrase 照見五蘊皆空 ("[he] saw the five skandhas were all empty") occurs nowhere else in Chinese, translating it as two phrases does not make sense. 

Next Ishii brings up the commentaries of Kuījī (Ji in the article) and Woncheuk. Ishii notes that Kuījī does not mention a Sanskrit text and that he used a minor variant of T251, which has an extra character  等 (Sanskrit ādi = English "etc") in two places. Woncheuk was also aware of this variant, and finds ādi in his Sanskrit text, though, of course, his commentary is on the text of T251. It is very likely that these two commentaries established T251 as the authoritative text of the Heart Sutra down to the present. Neither man mentions the differences between the versions in the introductory section. As Ishii hints, had a Sanskrit text been available, it would have been incumbent on the commentator to comment on differences, if only because Sanskrit texts were considered authoritative (this was the entire rationale behind Xuanzang's journey to India, after all).

Ishii reveals that his primary goal is still to criticise Nattier's omission of a word for word translation of svabhāva. He has spent 6 of the 8 pages of the article showing this, though we may say that this is an obvious point and one that has little bearing on the larger issue of where and when the Heart Sutra was composed.

Having laboured this point, Ishii briefly discusses the phrase 真實不虛, "true and not false". The Tang dynasty commentators all take this as a standalone phrase; however, Ishii claims that the Sanskrit manuscripts read "satyam amithyātvāt, prajñāpāramitā ukto mantra" which is the way Nattier translates it. Ishii uses the same method to translate the Sanskrit into Chinese, producing something different than the present Chinese text. Ishii seems unaware that Nattier is following Conze's edition, and that Conze's edition gives this passage as:
Tasmāj jñātavyam: prajñāpāramitā mahā-mantro mahā-vidyā-mantro ‘nuttara-mantro’ samasama-mantraḥ, sarva-duḥkha-praśamanaḥ, satyam amithyatvāt. Prajñā-pāramitāyām ukto mantraḥ. 
On this basis, then, Ishii declares that Nattier's thesis is a mistake and untenable. Had I been reviewing this article prior to publication, I would have argued that it need major modifications before being published. As it stands, the argument is difficult to follow and the evidence does not support the conclusion. 



Critique of Ishii (2015)


Core of the Thesis

Nattier's thesis mainly revolves around the core section of the Heart Sutra, which is a quote from Kumārajīva's text of the Large Sutra (T223). The Chinese Heart Sutra, especially T250 is identical with T223. T251 is identical, but missing a line at the beginning and one in the middle; and a few technical terms are "spelled" according to innovations introduced by Xuanzang. The Sanskrit Heart Sutra, by contrast, is a strangely unidiomatic paraphrase of the Sanskrit Large Sutra (compared to either the Gilgit recension or the later Nepalese recension).

The Sanskrit Heart Sutra contains a number of words or phrases that are hapax legomena (one of a kind), whereas the Sanskrit Large Sutra has a string of stock phrases. The Sanskrit Heart Sutra is unidiomatic in almost every place where it is possible to use a nonstandard synonym, that is, outside the settled technical vocabulary of Buddhist jargon.

There is no doubt in my mind, despite some minor slips on Nattier's part, that the thesis is accurate. I think I have the smoking gun for this, but have not yet had time to check all of the details and write it up.* So far as I can tell the term sarvabuddhāḥ tryadhvavyavasthitāḥ "all the Buddhas existing in the three times" is a translation of a phrase that only ever occurs in Chinese, i.e., 三世諸佛. This is literally, "three time all buddha", but we would translate it as "all the buddhas of the three times". Sanskrit texts always use the wording atītānāgatapratyutpannāḥ buddhāḥ instead, i.e., "past, future, and present buddhas". There is no way that the Sanskrit Heart Sutra could be anything but a translation from Chinese, produced by someone unfamiliar with Sanskrit Prajñāpāramitā idiom. I need to do a very thorough check on the various texts, but I think this conjecture will stand up to scrutiny and provide definitive proof of the Chinese origins thesis.
* Subsequently published as: Attwood, J. (2018). "The Buddhas of the Three Times and the Chinese Origins of the Heart Sutra." Journal of the Oxford Centre for Buddhist Studies 15, 9-27. http://jocbs.org/index.php/jocbs/article/view/184

Whatever minor flaws we may find in Nattier's analysis, the main conclusion that the Heart Sutra was composed in Chinese is already beyond reasonable doubt. While I would be interested to get more insights into the problems that Japanese scholars see, I cannot imagine how they think they have disproved the thesis. Ishii has certainly not done so in this article, though, strangely, he provides quite a good summary of the evidence presented by Nattier. However, Ishii does not even touch on this central problem or any of the evidence for it, but concentrates instead on peripheral and seemingly trivial issues that have no impact at all on the issues at hand.

Both of the passages that Ishii comments on are outside the core part of the text; i.e., not part of the quoted section, but part of the original composition that accompanies it, one in the introduction and one in the concluding passage.


Flaw in the Introduction

Before addressing Ishii's comments in the introduction I need to point out that I have showed that Conze (and, for that matter, Müller) made a mistake in his edition. In the first (three phrase) sentence, pañcaskandhās is nominative plural and vyavalokayati sma is intransitive, both of which are nonsensical and make the sentence impossible to parse as Sanskrit. In fact, as some manuscripts allow, the noun should be in the accusative plural, pañcaskandhāṃs (simply add anusvāra to dhā). If we do this, pañcaskandhāṃs becomes the object of vyavalokayati sma. The result is a sentence that can be parsed and that does not require any punctuation (Attwood 2015).

Without solving this problem the Sanskrit sentence cannot be parsed or translated without fudging things. Both Nattier and Ishii fail to notice anything amiss, here. But, then, so do all other scholars, apparently.  In this respect, the Heart Sutra is a curiously neglected text, given its popularity. My next published article will identify and solve another simple error in Conze's edition (in Section VI) that has also gone unnoticed (the flaw is already outlined in my essay Red Pine's "Vagaries of Sanskrit grammar" 13 October 2017, but the article will give rigour to the conjecture).
*Subsequently published as: Attwood (2020). "Ungarbling Section VI of the Sanskrit Heart Sutra." Journal of the Oxford Centre for Buddhist Studies 18, 11-41. https://www.academia.edu/43133311/Ungarbling_Section_VI_of_the_Sanskrit_Heart_Sutra

The main problem that Ishii highlights, other than Nattier's failure to provide a word-for-word translation of svabhāva, is that the Chinese has two phrases and the Sanskrit three phrases. If we assume that the Sanskrit is original, then we expect three phrases in the Chinese, as well. In order to make three phrases, Ishii proceeds to rearrange the characters 照見 to make one verb into two verbs, each applying to two different parts of the sentence. 照 can, in fact, mean "inspect, regard" which is what vyavalokayati means, so in that sense this procedure makes a certain amount of sense.

However, Ishii's method seems to require us to believe that Chinese has no syntax rules. We know that Buddhist Chinese does follow syntax rules, albeit that it sometimes follows medieval Chinese and sometimes Indic rules. Ishii's method is a classic case of making the data fit the hypothesis. It is a post hoc rationalisation. His method is not sound, and not consistent with established principles of philology.

In all of this procedure it is never explained why a Chinese translator would omit the word svabhāva from their translation if it occurs in the Sanskrit text, nor why they would condense three phrases down to two. Nothing is explained. 

Assuming that we ignore the overwhelming case of a Chinese origin for the core section, there is no way to establish precedence by comparing the number of phrases in a given passage outside the core. In my work on the epithets of the mantra (Attwood 2015) I showed that the number of epithets varied from 2 to 8 in unpredictable ways. Note also that Conze's English translation of his Sanskrit, has an fourth phrase as he struggled to turn his garbled Sanskrit into comprehensible English.


True and Not False

It is ironic that Ishii should bring up 真實不虛, because the Sanskrit is clearly a mistranslation of the Chinese. Although the combination of 真實 and 不虛 is common in Chinese, the combination of satya and amithyā never occurs in Sanskrit outside the Heart Sutra, where is is one of several hapax legomena. Although Ishii provides several examples of the use of 真實不虛 in Chinese, he never gives the Sanskrit equivalent. Since we know that it is not satyam amithyātvāt, it would be most interesting to see what the equivalent is. 

However, the problem here is deeper: satyam amithyātvāt is nonsensical as it stands. Amithyā does not mean "false"; i.e. ,it is not an antonym for satya, which would be mṛṣa or even asatya. Mithyā, on the other hand, is the antonym of samyañj, and it means "wrong" (as in "going about something the wrong way, against the grain, in the wrong direction"). Worse, in fact 虛 isn't an antonym of 真實, "true", either, but, instead, means, "hollow, empty; vain, pointless". The passage does not mean "true and not false"; it means "true and not in vain". And amithyā cannot be construed as a good translation of this. And the word in Sanskrit that might correspond to this is tucchaka. A better English translation would thus be "true and effective". A better Sanskrit translation would be satyaṃ atucchakaṃ. Again, I hope to publish something on this, but it is another case of something that ought to have been obvious to anyone who reads Buddhist Sanskrit texts. 

Syntactically, in Chinese both qualities are predicates of prajñāpāramitā (there is no suggestion that one is the cause of the other). It makes no sense at all, in Sanskrit, to take satyam amithyātvād with the following passage. Amithyātvād is weird: the wrong word in the wrong form in the wrong case. It is not the weirdest thing about the Sanskrit Heart Sutra, but I find it hard to believe that it has not caused other scholars to scratch their heads.


Miscellaneous Criticisms

It is strange that Ishii would use Müller's diplomatic edition rather than the critical edition by Conze. Despite being flawed in places, it is still the result of comparing many different manuscripts. At one point Ishii refers to "most of the extant Sanskrit manuscripts", but he does not cite any one of them. We have to wonder what sources he consulted, or whether he referred to Conze's notes in his edition? In which case, why not use that edition as his Sanskrit source?

At one point Ishii makes a big deal of the Chinese translations of the extended version of the Heart Sutra T253, T254, T255, and T257. He must surely be aware that there is no dispute that these are translations from Sanskrit. The dates are clearly recorded in Chinese and that they come from a much later period. They have no bearing on the matter of which language the text was composed in. Citing them doesn't help his case at all.

Thinking about Woncheuk's reference to a version with 等 (ādi) in it, Lusthaus (2003) also tries to make something of this. But so what? The version is no longer extant and was not canonised - no one saw it as important enough to preserve. And as before, it doesn't affect the main arguments. Ishii and Lusthaus both fail to see that, although Woncheuk appears to have had a Sanskrit text, he does not treat it as authoritative. Rather, he comments on T251 as the authoritative version of the text. So does Kuījī. Under what circumstances does a Sanskrit "original" (as Lusthaus calls it) not trump a Chinese translation in early medieval China? In fact, both Kuījī and Woncheuk were aware that the Heart Sutra was not a sutra, and Kuījī at least knew it contained a quote from T223  (see Nattier 1992: 206-7, n.33). So this is not news. It is quite likely that it is precisely these two commentaries that establish T251 as the authoritative text in China and its cultural sphere. This is entirely inconsistent with the pair having a Sanskrit "original".


Conclusions

The text of the Sanskrit Heart Sutra is so far from the idiom of Prajñāpāramitā Sanskrit literature, Buddhist Sanskrit literature, or any other kind of Sanskrit literature, that the fact itself is (or ought to be) remarkable. The Heart Sutra stands alone in the entire body of Sanskrit literature and is only related to the other Prajñāpāramitā texts by its use of jargon. This is not consistent with being composed in India. It is consistent with having been composed in China by someone proficient in Sanskrit, but without any great knowledge of idiom. This could not have been Xuanzang - who was more familiar with Sanskrit Prajñāpāramitā idiom than anyone in China at the time. I think the mistakes highlighted by Huifeng (2014) also helped to cement the Chinese origins thesis. The translator has misread the Chinese text at times and has struggled to find the Sanskrit vocabulary to express the Chinese concepts at others. Again, this is inconsistent with a monk in an Indian Sanskrit-using context. The translator was relatively isolated.

I admit, I was hoping for something a bit more challenging from Ishii and I found the article quite disappointing. He concentrates on peripheral issues and provides no refutation of the very strong evidence put forward already (and added to by Huifeng and myself in the last couple of years). The methods are not sound and the conclusions are weak and do not derive from the evidence presented. It looks like a tendentious throwing together of evidence to support a preconceived conclusion. "It is inconceivable that the Heart Sutra was composed in China, therefore it wasn't. QED." But this is hardly the standard of argumentation and reasoning we expect from a senior academic.

Like other scholars before him, Ishii has simply overlooked the grammatical errors in the Sanskrit text, which I am less and less inclined to forgive in professionals. After all, professionals are, on the whole (with a few notable exceptions), very hard on me when I dare to encroach on their territory and do not meet their high standards. So yes, let's have high standards, but that includes not being duped into accepting simple grammatical errors in our texts. 

We should, of course, not judge Japanese scholarship more generally on the basis of this single example, even though Ishii is a senior member of the Japanese Buddhist Studies establishment. We can hope that the article does not reflect the state of the art in Japan.* However, it is not a good sign that such a weak and confused article could be published in a peer-reviewed journal at all. 
* Note 16 Apr 2023: With a few more glimpses into Japanese articles on the Heart Sutra literature this hope has been dashed. Acta Asiatic 121 (2019) contained five articles purporting to reflect the "frontier" of Heart Sutra research, but on close reading proved to be more of the same. See my review of these articles: Attwood (2022). "The Heart Sutra Revisited." [Review article]. Buddhist Studies Review. 39(2): 229-254.


~~oOo~~



Attwood, Jayarava. (2015). Heart Murmurs: Some Problems with Conze’s Prajñāpāramitāhṛdaya. ​​Journal of the Oxford Centre for Buddhist Studies, 8, 28-48. http://jocbs.org/index.php/jocbs/article/view/104

Attwood, Jayarava. (2017).  ‘Epithets of the Mantra’ in the Heart Sutra. Journal of the Oxford Centre for Buddhist Studies, 12, 26–57. http://jocbs.org/index.php/jocbs/article/view/155

Huifeng. (2014). ‘Apocryphal Treatment for Conze’s Heart Problems: “Non-attainment”, “Apprehension”, and “Mental Hanging” in the Prajñāpāramitā.’ Journal of the Oxford Centre for Buddhist Studies. 6: 72-105.http://www.ocbs.org/ojs/index.php/jocbs/article/view/75

Ishii, Kosei. (2015) 『般若心経』をめぐる諸問題 ―ジャン・ナティエ氏の玄奘創作説を疑う = ‘Issues Surrounding the Heart Sutra: Doubts Concerning Jan Nattier's Theory of a Composition by Xuánzàng.’ Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies (Indogaku Bukkyogaku Kenkyu), 2015, 64(1), 499-492. (Translated by Jeffrey Kotyk).

Lusthaus, Dan. (2003) 'The Heart Sūtra in Chinese Yogācāra: Some Comparative Comments on the Heart Sūtra Commentaries of Wŏnch’ŭk and K’uei-chi.' International Journal of Buddhist Thought & Culture. September, Vol. 3: 59-103.

10 July 2009

Kūkai's journey to China : Kentōshi Ships and Weather

To see my Google Map click here


One of the marvels of modern technology is that we have easy access to all kinds of information. I've been trying to visualise Kūkai's journey to China and to understand the scale of it. Using the internet I was able to locate a journal article which discusses the detail of the journey, then using Google Maps I have been able to visualise it and get a sense of the scale of it. The route outlined here relies on an article by Robert Borgen in Monumenta Nipponica.*

Kentōshi (遣唐使), which means 'Envoy to the Tang' i.e. mission to Chinese court of the Tang (T'ang 唐) dynasty,** was used to describe both the people and the ships they went on. We don't have much definite information about the vessels, but it is assumed that they were built on the model of the Chinese junk which were developed in China during the Han Dynasty (220 BCE - 200 AD) which were being used for ocean voyages by the 3rd century. Such Chinese ships visited Japan for trade. We know that the Japanese and the Koreans definitely used Chinese junks as models for later ships. It's often stated that because the ships had a flat bottom and no keel that they could only use the sails when the wind was directly behind them. However the boats used a very large rudder which projected well below the bottom of the ship, and did much the same job as a keel, i.e. it stopped the wind pushing the boat sideways when sailing to windward. They could probably have managed to sail close hauled at between 45-60° to the wind. Which in fact means that they could sail in much the same way as an early square rigged European ship such as Magellan had sailed around the world in.

The idea that the Japanese were poor sailors seems to be an assumption related to their decision to sail in the typhoon season, but as I pointed out in an earlier post (Why did Kūkai sail in summer?), the Japanese envoys were concerned to get to the Tang court on New Years day in order to offer their tribute at the appropriate time, and this must have over-ridden the concerns of the sailors. In fact the Japanese were highly attuned from ancient times to the annual changes to their climate wrought by the monsoon, and I find it very unlikely indeed that they did not understand the wind patterns. Note also that by Kūkai's time, in the early 9th century, envoys from the nation of Po-hai (north of Korea) to Japan regularly timed their journeys to take advantage of seasonal winds.

It's very often stated that the winds were against the ships sailing across the sea to China, but the prevailing wind during the summer monsoon in that region is from the south-east. This means that the Kentōshi ships, sailing south and west, were most likely cutting across the wind - a favourable geometry for sailing. With a wind from the south-east (135°) they could probably have sailed in any direction from say 0° - 75° and 195° to 360°. In fact a line joining Tanoura to Ming-chou is at about 252-3° which in sailing terms is a 'close reach' and probably well within the capabilities of the ships.

It is quite unlikely that they could have made the journey at all if they had to row ships that probably weighed over 100 tons all the way, and it does not seem so unreasonable to me that they relied on sails most of the time - even sailing north from Fu-chou to Ming-chou. Note that all four ships of the mission survived a typhoon, some of them two typhoons, and a 500 mile ocean crossing so they must have been reasonably well built. European ships of a similar size and square rigged could make about 5-7 knots, and, allowing for variable wind conditions and given that they would have paused during the night when they could, I initially guessed that they might average about 20 or 30 miles per day.

Previous missions would have made a quick jump across the straights of Korea probably via Tsushima Island, a journey of about 150 miles with a longest stretch of open water of about 35 miles. On a good day the Kentōshi ships could have sailed that distance in a single long day. From there the boats would have hugged the coast all the way to China. However in the 7th century Japan's long term enemy Silla had, with the help of Tang China, unified the whole Korean peninsular under their rule, leaving the Japanese with no bases on the mainland and a more powerful antagonist as neighbour.

The four Kentōshi ships left from Naniwa (modern day Ōsaka) and headed for Hakata (Fukuoka) on Kyūshū Island, a distance of 330 miles most of which is in the usually pacific Inland Sea. Note however that in 803 when the mission first sailed the boats were almost wrecked by a (rare) storm in the Inland Sea. From Fukuoka the ships hugged the coast of Kyūshū down to Tanoura (since merged into Ashikita), the last stop before heading west across the East China Sea. We don't know how good the navigation techniques were at this time, though simply sailing west would mean hitting China at some point, but the ships ideally would make land near the modern city of Shanghai or north of there. They left from Tanoura on the 6th day of the 7th month of Enryaku 23 (ca 14 August 804).

Of the two ships that completed the journey in 804 Ship Two is said to have taken about two months to get to Ming-chou (near modern Ningpo). Now here is a puzzle: Abe, Hakeda, and others give this time frame, but Abe says that the Vice Ambassador who lead Ship Two died in Ming-chou on the 25th day of the 7th month of Enryaku 23. This is a mere 19 days after leaving Tanoura. So, assuming this is not a misprint, either the Vice Ambassador died at sea less than half-way across, or Ship Two made very good time crossing the 540 miles, averaging about 30 miles a day. The latter figure is not unreasonable if they met no more storms, and my other assumptions are correct.

Ship One, the ship that Kūkai was on, took much longer to make the crossing, coming to land on the 10th day of the 8th month (ca 17 September 804) after 34 days at sea. They landed near the city of Fu-chou, in Fukien province (modern day Fuzhou, Fujian). It is sometimes said that this was 1000 miles south of where they intended to be, however the map above makes it clear that the distance from Fu-chou to Ming-chou by sea is about 390 miles, and by land about 360 miles to Hang-chou (using a route something like that suggested by Borgen). In a straight line Ship One covered about 750 miles in the crossing, which means they averaged at least 22 miles per day. In fact we know that they didn't go in a straight line because they were blown off course by the typhoon.

On the return journey (late June early July of 805) which was apparently without major incidents Ship One took nineteen days to make landfall at Tsushima (the island in the Strait of Korea); while Ship Two took twenty eight days to arrive at Hizen on Kyūshū Island. This is about 29 and 19 miles per day respectively - quite comparable to the outward journey suggesting that 20-30 miles per day is a good measure of the average speed of the ships.

typhoon over the East China Sea
Typhoon Tokage near Japan
Image Courtesy NASA Earth Observatory
Typhoons make a rather wavy line as they progress towards Japan from the Pacific Ocean, typically they follow the prevailing winds which spiral out from a massive region of high pressure over the Pacific and into a low over continental Asia. In August the typical typhoon would swing around Kyūshū and head up the Sea of Japan - though a lot of variation has been observed. As the typhoon approached the wind would have swung around initially from the south-west, to the west - the winds swirl in anti-clockwise to the centre, and have become a tight knot by the time they reach Japan. On the western side of the storms the winds are blowing more or less to the south and this explains how Ship One might have been sent far southwards. Ship Two somehow escaped this. The trailing edge of the typhoon seems to have blown Ships Three and Four eastwards back to Japan, though this suggests that there was already a significant distance between them and Ships One and Two by this stage.

Borgen's article is an important source of information about ships 3 and 4 from the Kentōshi flotilla - but that is another story. Hopefully you can see that using Google maps in this way really does makes the scale of the journey clearer, and you find my route plausible where I have supplied details not vouchsafed by history. The historical sources are vague on the construction and design of the ships, but I hope my reinterpretation of the Japanese as intelligent and able boat builders and sailors is both welcome and sound - I hate it when historians assume that people are stupid because they (the historians) don't understand what was going on!


Notes
* Borgen, R. The Japanese Mission to China 801-806. Monumenta Nipponica, Vol 37(1), 1982, p.1-28. In this article I also indirectly cite or use information from: Abé, Ryūichi. The Weaving of Mantra: Kūkai and the Construction of Esoteric Buddhist Discourse. (Columbia University Press, 2000); and Hakeda, Y.S. Kūkai : major works : translated and with an account of his life and a study of his thought. (New York : Columbia University Press, 1972).
** I tend to use the Pinyin version of Chinese transliteration with Wade-Giles equivalents in parentheses at the first occurrence. If there is only one transliteration it is Wade-Giles and I don't have a Pinyin version. Some names have changed substantially since Kūkai's time.

For other materials related to Kūkai and his voyage see my Kūkai bibliography.

Aug 2010 Update.

Since writing this essay I have studied the Diary of Ennin (Ennin, E.O. Reischauer (Translator] Diary: Record of a Pilgrimage to China in Search of the Law) paying particular attention to his records of wind and sailing directions. Although he records about a dozen combinations, the ships he sails on never seem to sail into the wind, and only run before it. It now seems more likely to me that the ships couldn't manage anything more than a broad reach - about 45° either side of the wind direction, i.e. that they could not use a head wind. I've noted that the prevailing wind at the time of year is from the South-East (or perhaps the East) and this may tally with their leaving from quite far south on Kyūshū - they expected to make leeway to the North while travelling West. Although my lines on the map are straight it seems likely the storm blew them far to the south, and that they then sailed North/N' West to make landfall. I have no idea if the could accurately determine latitude.


09 May 2008

Why did Kūkai sail in Summer?

Anyone familiar with the story of Kūkai will know that his journey to China in 804 began by sailing from Nagasaki out into the Sea of Japan. It is usual to comment on the relative lack of seaworthiness of the Japanese ships, and on the lack of nautical knowledge of the sailors since they sailed at a time when the winds were against them, meaning that the rudimentary sails could not be used; and when typhoons regularly swept in wrecking any ships daring to be out of harbour. This is a given in all the biographies in English.

However as long ago as 1995 TŌNO Haruyuki cast doubts on this way of telling the story, at the same time as questioning another long held belief: that the Japanese Emperors presented themselves as equals to the Chinese Emperor, and that the Chinese went along with this. This latter is interesting because it sheds light on the nature of the embassies sent from Japan.

Tōno shows that there is evidence to throw doubt on the supposed equality of the two emperors. It is true that as early as 607 a mission to the Sui dynasty emperor Yang-ti (隋煬帝 ) presented a letter which described the Japanese emperor as Son of Heaven, the title of the Chinese Emperor, however Yang-ti saw this as an affront.

Tōno's article concentrates on the embassies to T'ang China. In 632 a Chinese imperial envoy clashed with the Japanese court over protocol and did not read the letter from the Chinese Emperor. Tōno suspects that this was an attempt to subdue the Japanese. Note that this was a period of massive expansion westwards, with Chinese troops pushing on past the Tarim basin, where they were stopped by an Arab army also intent on expansion. It was the time of the greatest extent of the Chinese Empire.

Until 663 the Japanese were influential in the Korean peninsular. However in that year the Paekche (from whence Buddhism was introduced into Japan in 552) were defeated by a coalition of the T'ang and Silla, despite being shored up with Japanese forces. In 668 the alliance defeated the Koguryo thus unifying Korea. Although the Japanese continued to see Po-Hai (in present day Manchuria) as a tributary state, Tōno points out, from this time onwards it would not have been possible for the Japanese to insist on equal status. Indeed the embassy of 671 can be seen, according to Tōno, as a declaration of surrender!

After a break of 30 years another embassy was sent to the T'ang court in 702. It was at this time that the Japanese concede to paying tribute every twenty years. This was a pragmatic move on the the part of the Japanese in the face of a rampant T'ang state in the process of crushing opposition in other quarters. Evidence of this promise, more or less hushed up at home, is seen in a letter from a monk on Mt T'ien T'ai who is asking for permission to pass on information to the Japanese monk Ensai in 840 where he mentions that "... and they [the Japanese] have promised to pay tribute once in twenty years" (p.45). This would not have been common knowledge in Japan, and though careful records of many other occasions were kept, letters from the Chinese Emperor were mostly lost. In one letter from the Chinese Emperor 735 begins by writing "I order the king of Japan..." (p.52).

It obvious that in the Japanese mind Japan was the centre of civilisation. The ritsuryō code for instance, despite being modelled on a T'ang Chinese legal code, refers to other nations including the Chinese as barbarians. Tōno cites the fact that no one of the royal family ever went to China as this would have admitted to the Japanese people that they were subordinate.

Although Tōno does not mention it, we could also comment on the relative weakness of the Japanese nation until the reforms of Kanmu began to take effect. Japan had been essentially bankrupted by a succession of natural disasters and the flurry of temple building that ensued as a remedy, and by a number of expensive and sometimes disastrous military campaigns against the Ainu. In Kūkai's day there was forced labour and military service. Many people were homeless, and farming so difficult that many left the land to become beggars. In the face of a strong and dynamic T'ang Japan would have looked weak, and perhaps it is only the long sea distance that prevented them from being assimilated along with other neighbours.

Tōno's conclusion is that the embassies to the T'ang court were to offer tribute as agreed in order to keep the Chinese Emperor from casting a military eye eastwards. It is this fact which gives us the clue to why the embassies were sent when they were. As I mentioned it is common knowledge that Summer is a bad time to sail to China; and it is assumed that the Japanese were simply ignorant of the seasonal winds. However Tōno reminds us that emissaries from the Po-hai state regularly visited Japan at the time, and judging by their arrival and departure dates they were adept at using seasonal winds. (p.58) Tōno also argues that the Japanese ships were more sophisticated than has previously been thought, that they used cloth sails in addition to bamboo matting. However they did lack keels which meant they could not use the sails unless the wind was behind them.

The offering up of tribute to the Chinese court was ideally done at the New Year celebrations - the Chinese year beginning on the second full-moon after the winder solstice, usually sometime in February. The average travelling time to China for all of the missions, which can be worked out from a chart in Tōno's article, was six months. This meant leaving in the 6th month, or late summer (July or August) in order to arrive in time for the ceremony in January or February. Far from being ignorant of nautical and seasonal knowledge the Japanese probably knew exactly what to expect, but were forced for political reasons to attempt the crossing at this time. The knowledge of what to expect was probably what accounted for the reluctance of Japanese officials to go on such trips.

After Kūkai's trip in 804-6 only one more Embassy was sent to the T'ang court. Perhaps this was because it was clear, even in 806, that the T'ang dynasty was falling apart. It staggered on until 906 but was racked by civil strife and war. In other words there was no longer any threat to induce a offering of tribute, and Japan had gotten onto a firmer footing as well. Thanks to Kūkai the Heian period was one of a flowering of Japanese culture as distinct from imported Chinese culture.


TŌNO, Haruyuki. "Japanese Embassies to T'ang China and their Ships," Acta Asiatica. 1995 v.69: 39-62.
image: Illustration of a Chinese ship of the type that would have visited Japan during the Edo period (from Tōno article).
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