Bānrě 般若 or Prajñā, was a Buddhist monk from India who travelled to China and translated Buddhist texts. Prajñā was credited with the translation of Bānrě bōluómìduō xīn jīng «般若波羅蜜多心經» (T 253), though as we saw in the essay on Lìyán 利言, Chinese records show that Prajñā could not communicate in Chinese.
The following comments are my notes based on the biographical sketch of Bānrě 般若 or Prajñā found in the Zhēnyuán xīn dìng shìjiào mùlù «貞元新定釋教目錄» (T2157: 55.891a-), a catalogue of Buddhist texts in Chinese translation, compiled ca 800 CE by Yuánzhào 圓照. I draw additional material from Siu Sai-Yau's 蕭世友 PhD thesis (2019) and his recent book (2024). I'm processing this information for inclusion in my book.
My Thanks to Siu Sai-Yau for pointing me to this passage and for making his (2024) book open access. Bānrě 般若 is important to my work because he is credited with translating the Bānrě bōluómìduō xīn jīng «般若波羅蜜多心經» (T 253), along with Lìyán 利言 and others.
Prajñā travelled to China by the southern sea route.
Upon learning that Mañjuśrī Bodhisattva was preaching in the Central Plains, Prajña resolved to visit China and propagate Buddhism. Carrying the original Sanskrit scriptures, he arrived in Guangzhou, during the early years of Emperor Dezong’s Jianzhong 建中 period (780–783) via the sea route. From there, he made his way to the capital. Upon the onset of the Zhenyuan 貞元 period, Prajña took up residence at the home of his relative, Luo Haoxin 羅好心, who held the position of a commander in the forbidden army, and patiently awaited an opportunity to commence his scripture translation endeavors. (Siu 2024: 61)
Introducing himself to the Emperor Táng Dézōng 唐德宗 (779 – 805 CE), Bānrě 般若 says:
I humbly state that I was born in Kapiśa. At fourteen, I left my homeland and travelled south to India, where I heard teachings I had not understood before. For over twenty years, I made pilgrimages to the sacred sites, including the Twin Trees and the Eight Stūpas. Having studied the Mahāyāna and Hīnayāna, I vowed to repay the four kindnesses. From afar, I have long admired China, often wishing to present offerings to the court but lacking the means. Recently, through my cousin Luó Hǎoxīn 羅好心, a tenth-rank officer of the Right Divine Strategy Army and Prince of Xīnpíng, who serves in the Imperial Guard, I was able to submit my petition and have it heard by Your Majesty. This is indeed my great fortune. (T 2157: 55.893a7-11)
The imperial response to Bānrě was positive:
On Zhēnyuán 貞元 6.7.25 [i.e. 25 August 790 CE], an imperial edict granted the honorary title Tripiṭaka and a purple kāṣāya robe. An edict was also issued for the Kingdom of Kapiśa to present a Sanskrit copy of the Liù Pāramì Jīng «六波羅蜜經» *Ṣaṭpāramitā Sūtra. The śramaṇa Bānrě 般若 should be granted the title “Tripiṭaka Bānrě” and also given a purple robe. (T 2157: 55.893c6-9)
The Liù Pāramì Jīng «六波羅蜜經» is no longer extant. Regarding the Heart Sutra, Siu (2019: 33) notes
般若、利言重譯廣本《心經》的原因，主要是因為時人認為玄奘舊譯內容有不足之處。般若來華所攜梵本中，有內容更為完備、前所未見的《心經》版本。
"As for the reason behind Bānruò and Lìyán's retranslation of the expanded Heart Sūtra, it was primarily due to the perception among contemporaries that Xuanzang’s earlier translation was lacking in some respects. Bānruò had brought with him a Sanskrit version containing a more complete and previously unseen rendition of the Heart Sūtra."
Traditionally, in China, a sutra is held to be composed of three “sections” (sānfēn kē jīng 三分科經): (1) an introduction (xùfēn 序分 “introductory section”; Skt. nidāna), (2) the main body of the text (zhèngzōng fēn 正宗分 “primary teaching section”) and, (3) a conclusion (liútōng fēn 流通分 literally “dissemination section”).
The early commentaries by Kuījī 窺基 (T 1710), Woncheuk 圓測 (T 1711), Jìngmài 靖邁 (X 522), Fǎzàng 法藏 (T 1712), and Huìjìng 慧浄 (X 521) all mention the absence of the intro and conclusion in the Heart Sutra (the implications of this are discussed in my forthcoming book).
Siu (2019: 34) also notes:
譯本有傳入韓國地區，現時最早的般若、利言本漢文抄經便是見於《高麗大藏經》。
"The translation also reached Korea, where the earliest surviving copy of the Chinese Bānrě and Lìyán version [i.e. T 253] appears in the Goryeo Tripitaka."
The Goryeo Tripitaka is known in Chinese as Gāolí Dàzàngjīng 高麗大藏經; Korean: Goryeo Daejanggyeong 고려대장경. It literally means: Korean Great Treasury [of] Scripture. Although the character zàng 藏 here means "store", it also means "hide, conceal". Gāolí 高麗 is literally "lofty and beautiful"; so not a bad ethnonym.
The Goryeo Tripitaka was printed from carved woodblocks. The first version was created in the 11th century but was later destroyed by the Mongols. A complete set of the carved woodblocks of the second version commissioned ca. 1236–1251 survives and is stored at Haeinsa Temple in South Korea (a UNESCO World Heritage Site).
Note that the Goryeo Tripitaka has also been referred to as the Tripitaka Koreana. In 2013, Robert Buswell noted: "The reality is that Goryeo Daejanggyeong is much bigger and broader in scale than the nomenclature used for the Tripitaka Koreana". In my book, I follow Buswell's suggestion and refer to the Korean Buddhist Canon.
As Siu notes, there is a gap of some centuries between the ostensible production of T253 (ca 788) and the earliest witness to the content of the text in the Korean Buddhist Canon (ca. 1236–1251). And we have no idea what happened to the text in the meantime. There are no commentaries on T253.
The biographical sketch in the Zhēnyuán lù «貞元錄» (T 2157) discusses Bānrě 般若 and the Heart Sutra attributed to him and records a memorial sent to the Emperor by a Buddhist monk called Zhìróu 智柔.
Zhìróu 智柔, the senior monk from Qiānfú Temple 千福寺, was known for his lectures and discourses. His observance of the precepts was rigorous, and he took delight in the Mahāyāna. He transmitted the Huāyán jīng «華嚴經» “Avataṃsaka Sūtra” and the Dàfódǐng «大佛頂» “Mahābuddhatopa Sūtra”. He also regularly chanted and contemplated the Bānrě xīnjīng 般若心經. This sūtra was translated by Luóshí 羅什 [Kumārajīva] and is titled Dàmíng zhòujīng «大明呪經».
When the Dharma Master Xuánzàng 玄奘 was about to depart westward, a divine being (shénrén 神人) bestowed [the Heart Sutra] upon him. While travelling through the treacherous sands and dangers, he sincerely chanted and upheld it, causing calamities and obstacles to recede. This is a great incantation (dàshén zhòu 大神呪), and these words are not in vain (bù xū 不虛).
Note that the Dàmíng zhòujīng «大明呪經» (T 250) enters the historical record in 730 CE in the Kaiyuan Catalog, i.e. Kāiyuán shìjiào lù «開元釋教錄» (T 2154). The attribution to Kumārajīva is clearly false (see Watanabe 1990).
Later, a Sanskrit text (fàn jiā 梵夾) was obtained. It was translated with no differences, except the absence of the introduction section (xùfēn 序分) and the later distribution (liútōng 流通) section.
Then, near the end of the Kāiyuán 開元 era (713 to 741 CE), the Tripiṭaka monk Fǎyuè 法月 retranslated this sūtra (T252). Both texts are extant. Now, we have obtained a copy from the Tripiṭaka monk Bānruò 般若, which includes these [missing] sections, making it the same original text as Fǎyuè's translation, but a different version.
With sincere intention, I earnestly request the reissue of the authentic text. Before I could consult in detail, the Tripiṭaka monk departed on a mission.
On the eleventh day of the eighth month, the work of verifying meanings, polishing the text, and transcribing was completed. A memorial was prepared and submitted, with the intent to circulate it widely.
Śramaṇa Zhìróu states:
"I humbly submit that the profound wisdom of the sages is vast and, through dissemination, spreads even further. The true source, supremely wondrous, is conveyed through words and symbols to be transmitted. This is the origin of the teachings of the many sages and the mother of all sūtras. Previously, the śramaṇa Xuánzàng translated it for circulation, and while the meaning was fully conveyed without omission, the text was missing the beginning. Yesterday, I encountered Bānrě, a monk from the Kingdom of Kapiśa, and personally saw the Sanskrit text. I earnestly requested him to transmit this understanding and again added praise and assistance. Only then did I realize that the Vulture Peak monastery truly revealed these noble words.
Those who recite it dispel doubts, and the true teachings spread even further. I humbly submit that Your Majesty personally upholds the Buddha's instructions, doing all that is good without exception. The Way reaches all beings, transforming everyone. Zhìróu 智柔, without considering his own limited abilities, rashly offers his sincere but humble dedication.
I hope to support the imperial virtues and contribute to the longevity of the sage. I humbly beg that Your Majesty, with heavenly insight, will review these noble words. If they are suitable, I respectfully request that they be promulgated within and beyond the court. In this way, all deluded beings, even through countless ages, may find great happiness. Unable to fully express my utmost sincerity, I respectfully submit this memorial for Your Majesty's attention." —(T 2157: 55.893c9-894a1)
Note that Yuánzhào 圓照 considers T 252 and T 253 to be the same text. In the sense that both texts incorporate T251 verbatim, they are the same. However, the introduction and conclusions of T 252 and T 253 could hardly be more different. Which suggests he didn't actually compare them.
Note also that Yuánzhào conflates Bānrě xīnjīng 般若心經 (T 251) and Dàmíng zhòujīng «大明呪經» (T 250). Again, while these two texts are broadly similar, there are some significant differences. These four texts—T 250, 251, 252, and 253—are four of the five major versions of the text. The fifth is the Sanskrit translation, i.e. Prajñāpāramitāhṛdaya. T 252 is unique and was likely composed in Chinese. We know very little about the provenance of it. T 254 is a lightly edited version of T 253. T 255 was a Dunhuang text and has not yet been properly studied in its context. T 257 is a later translation from Sanskrit.
Zhìróu 智柔 is relatively unknown. He is mentioned only once, in passing, in the Gāosēng Zhuàn «高僧傳» (T 2061: 50.721b27) and that in connection with Prajñā:
即貞元十一年也。至十二年六月，詔於崇福寺翻譯，罽賓沙門般若宣梵文，洛京天宮寺廣濟譯語，西明寺圓照筆受，智柔、智通綴文，成都府正覺寺道恒、鑒虛潤文，千福寺大通證義，澄觀、靈邃詳定，神策軍護軍中尉霍仙鳴、左街功德使竇文場寫進，十四年二月解座。(T 2061: 50.721b25-c2)
This was in the 11th year of the Zhēnyuán era. By the 6th month of the 12th year, an imperial edict was issued for the translation at Chóngfú Monastery 崇福寺. The śramaṇa Bānrě 般若 from Kapiśa recited the Sanskrit text, while the text was rendered into Chinese at Tiāngōng Monastery 天宮寺 in Luòyáng by Guǎngjì 廣濟. Yuánzhào 圓照 from Xīmíng Monastery 西明寺 recorded it in writing, with Zhìróu 智柔 and Zhìtōng 智通 editing the text. Dàohéng 道恒 and Jiànxū 鑒虛 from Zhèngjué Monastery 正覺寺 in Chéngdū polished the wording, while Dàtōng 大通 from Qiānfú Monastery 千福寺 verified the meaning. Chéngguān 澄觀 and Língsuì 靈邃 reviewed and finalized it. The Military Protector of the Divine Strategy Army, Lieutenant Huò Xiānmíng 霍仙鳴, and Dòu Wénchǎng 竇文場, Director of Merit on the Left Street, transcribed and submitted the work, completing the project by the 2nd month of the 14th year.
From this, we imply that Prajñā's only role in the translation was reciting the Sanskrit text. This seems to be quite typical. Indian or Central Asian monks who rocked up in Chang'an did not speak Chinese and most likely never gained the kind of mastery of the language required for discussion highly specialised Buddhist doctrines. If this was in Europe, we'd credit Guǎngjì 廣濟 with the translation. But Chinese traditions demands that it is credited to Prajñā.
Of note, is the connection between Prajñā and the Japanese monk Kūkai, who was in Chang'an ca 802-804 and wrote the first esoteric interpretation of the Xīn jīng. This is mentioned several times in Hakeda (1972). According to Kūkai, in the Shōrai mokuroku, Prajñā expressed a desire to travel to Japan and regretted that circumstances did not allow it. He gifted Kūkai with copies of new translations of the Avataṃsaka Sūtra (T 293) and the Ṣatpāramitā Sūtra (T 261), and a number of Sanskrit manuscripts.
What Did Prajñā Translate?
Siu's account of Prajñā and the Heart Sutra overlooks the fact that T 253 cannot be a straightforward translation from Sanskrit. Significantly, T 253 incorporates all of T 251, verbatim. This means that at best Prajñā and co. only translated the introduction and the conclusion of the Heart Sutra, while retaining all of the translation attributed to Xuanzang. And this seems to be a pattern with works attributed to Prajñā.
In the Chinese Buddhist Canonical Attributions database, created by Michael Radich and Jamie Norrish (who died recently), Bānrě is credited with a number of translations:
- Dàchéng Běnshēng Xīndì Guān Jīng «大乘本生心地觀經» (T 159)
- Bānrě Bōluómìduō Xīnjīng «般若波羅蜜多心經» (T 253)
- Dàchéng lǐqù liù bōluómìduō jīng «大乘理趣六波羅蜜多經» (T 261)
- Dàfāngguǎng fó huáyán jīng «大方廣佛華嚴經» (T 293)
- Dà huáyán zhǎngzhě wèn fó nàluóyán lì jīng «大花嚴長者問佛那羅延力經» (T 547)
- Zhūfó jìngjiè shè zhēnshí jīng « 諸佛境界攝真實經» (T 868)
- Shǒuhù guójiè zhǔ tuóluóní jīng «守護國界主陀羅尼經» (T 997)
- Fó shuō zào tǎ yánmìng gōngdé jīng «佛說造塔延命功德經» (T 1026)
Several of the entries repeat a note attributed to Atsushi Iseki, in which he summarises a Japanese article from 1954:
According to Tsukinowa [1954], it is recorded that Trepiṭaka Prajña/Prajñā 般若三藏 translated nine titles in seventy-five juan scriptures [sic], and also composed a Banre sanzang gu jin fanyi tu ji 般若三藏古今翻譯圖紀 in two juan. However, Tsukinowa states, probably the Gu jin fanyi tu ji 古今翻譯圖紀 was written by somebody else, and Prajña’s true translation work most likely only comprises the version of the “Heart” Sūtra 般若心經 in one juan T253, co-translated with Liyan 利言 and others. Tsukinowa believes that almost all other titles ascribed to Prajñā were his own compositions, because 1) no original texts of his works have been found; 2) no alternate translation have been found in Chinese nor in Tibetan; 3) none of those works are cited in Indian texts; and 4) the contents and style of those works of his are too peculiar to be proper translation.
Tsukinowa (1954) is in Japanese so I cannot check it, though the bibliographic details are included below. There also individual notes on all of these texts.
- T 159 "Translation attributed to Prajña, ed. 般若: 6th year of Zhenyuan (貞元), Tang dynasty (唐), 1 but it was more likely done by someone else at a later date."
- T261 is more complex. "It would be a little far-fetched to classify the entire text of T261 as apocryphal, since there probably did exist an original underlying Indic text. However, Yoritomi asserts, substantial additions were made in China."
- T 293 "T293 feigns the impression of a new translation by adding material to the text, but is based more on T279 than on the original Sanskrit."
- T 547 "Tsukinowa does not seem to believe that this text is a proper translation, but he does not state it explicitly"
- T 868 "Tsukinowa concludes that T868 is based on the Vajraśekhara, and was produced to serve as an introduction to it. He agrees with Ōmura Seigai 大村西崖, who states in his Mikkyō hattatsu shi 密教發達志 that T868 is a conspectus of various scriptures, refining, epitomising and synthesising their contents 綜合折衷し打て洗錬したるもの."
- T 997 "Tsukinowa argues that none of the ten juan of T997 is a true translation" The text is a compilation of passages from other texts.
- T 1026 "Tsukinowa states that T1026 is another example of a pattern by which Prajña uses bits of different texts in producing a scripture, while adding something new of his own composition."
See also the comments under the entry for Prajñā.
The overall impression is that Bānrě was more interested in transmitting ideas and practices than in upholding orthodoxy or faithfully transmitting texts. He used texts in a very flexible way. One of his signature moves was precisely adding new material to an existing translation and presenting it as a new translation. Which is exactly what happened to T 253.
Tsukinowa's comments are problematic for the historically dominant narrative. Given that (a) Bānrě didn't know Chinese and was reliant on Chinese Monks (notably Liyan) to translate; and (b) the "translations" attributed to him all seem to have copied material from a range of existing Chinese translations, we have to wonder what Bānrě's involvement in T 253 really was.
Conclusion
Bānrě 般若 or Prajñā, is a minor figure in the history of the Heart Sutra. He is credited with translating T 253, but this version of the text was never important in China: i.e. it was not used in liturgies or as magical protection in the way that the Xīn jīng (T 251) was. The oldest extant version of T253 is in the Korean Buddhist Canon from the 13th century.
Siu (2024) confirms that Chinese translation was generally a collective affair. We have to put aside the modern, European idea of a lone scholar toiling away in isolation. Moreover, it seems likely that visiting monks who brought Sanskrit texts were generally dependent on translators. Prajñā certainly was.
Tsukinowa (1954) has made the case that all of his "translations" were not really translations. Prajñā mostly seems to have curated passages copied from existing texts, sometimes adding them to other existing translations. But this editing seems to have happened in Chinese and evidence suggests that Prajñā could not speak Chinese. So this is a mystery.
Tsukinowa was of the opinion that only T 253 was a genuine translation. But T 253 perfectly fits that pattern of other works attributed to Prajñā. For example, the main body of T 253 simply reproduces the text of T 251, but it adds the missing introduction and conclusion.
Thus, if Prajñā had any input at all, it was only in the introduction and conclusion that were added to give the impression that the Heart Sutra was an authentic sutra.
The role of Liyan in the creation of T 252 and T 253 seems to deserve more attention, especially in the light of his role as Prajñā's day-to-day translator. Liyan seems to have been from Kucha and thus would have approached China via Dunhuang, which is home to numerous Heart Sutra manuscripts and some unique versions of the text that have yet to be formally studied. Tibetans invaded and controlled Dunhuang ca. 786-848. (On the Tibetan occupation of Dunhuang see The Chinese under Tibetan rule).
It seems possible that Liyan was responsible for adding the missing introduction and conclusion to the Xīn jīng, creating both T 252 and T 253. In the case of T 253, he did this under the guidance of Prajñā who clearly had no qualms about such things.
It's likely that Prajñā taught Kūkai Sanskrit (ca 802-804), which is a notable contribution. And relevant to my work since Kūkai later (ca 834) composed the first esoteric Buddhist commentary of the Heart Sutra, though curiously Kūkai commented on the Xīn jīng rather than Prajñā's version.
~~oOo~~
Bibliography
Lopez, Donald S. (1996) Elaborations on Emptiness: Uses of the Heart Sutra. Princeton University Press.
Siu, Sai-yau 蕭世友 (2019). 唐代般若、利言《般若波羅蜜多心經》的漢譯研究 . 香港中文大學. [On the Chinese Translation of Prajñāpāramitāhṛdaya by Prajña and Satyacandra in the Tang Dynasty. PhD Dissertation. Chinese University of Hong Kong].
———. 2024. The Evolution of Team-Based Buddhist Scripture Translation in Tang China. Springer. [Open access online publication] https://link.springer.com/book/10.1007/978-981-97-2293-8 [accessed 7 Nov 2024]
Tsukinowa, Kenryū 月輪 賢隆. (1954). “般若三蔵の翻經に対する批議.” [Criticism of Prajna Tripitaka's Translation of Sutras]. Indogaku Bukkyōgaku Kenkyū 4(2): 434-443.
Watanabe, Shōgo. (1990). “Móhē bānrě bōluómì shénzhòu jīng and Móhē bānrě bōluómì dàmíngzhòu jīng, As Seen in the Sutra Catalogues.” Indogaku Bukkyōgaku Kenkyū 39-1: 54–58. [= 渡辺章悟. 1990. 「経録からみた『摩訶般若波羅蜜神呪経』と『摩訶般若波羅蜜大明呪経』」印度学仏教学研究 39-1: 54–58.]. My English translation is online: https://tinyurl.com/33n3d8h4
